FORMER MINISTER REACTS TO ARTICLE ON FRANCOPHONE MINISTERS

On the 21st of November 2013, I posted on my blog (www.tmazonga.wordpress.com) an article entitled, « DECISIVE FRANCOPHONE MINISTERS, HESITANT ANGLOPHONE MINISTERS ». The article can be revisietd by clicking on the following link which then opens up the approrpiate page of the blog :

Today, Former Minister in charge of Special Duties at the Presidency of the Republic, Professor Peter Abety sent me his reaction. Here it is below in its entirety :

« Dear colleague, I think you are mistaken in your analyses and you seem to be laying unwarranted blame on Anglophone Ministers, as well as giving undue credit to the SDF Chairman in the political arena. Anglophone ministers generally do not make a public show of their relationship with Ni John Fru Ndi but it doesn’t mean that they don’t exchange visits. When I was in Government I visited the Chairman and had breakfast with him while chatting on our political differences. This was not national news. When he was bereaved on two occasions, I was at his home along with the former PM Achidi Achu and other present and former CPDM ministers from the Anglophone regions.

The move by the Chairman of the SDF to approach President BIYA in December 2010 was belated and certainly from a position a visible weakness. I was part of a delegation of North Westerners led by the renowned Prof. Anomah Ngu who went to the Chairman in 1992 urging him to dialogue with President Paul Biya. He turned down our request with words that were not kind to us. Prof. Ngu felt insulted and with surgical precision predicted that the Chairman shall in future go up to the President when he will be so weak politically as to gain nothing significant from the encounter. It is also worth noting that on the invitation of the Cameroon Government, the celebrated South African Bishop Desmond Tutu and other dignitaries also visited the Chairman at his Ntarikon residence and tried in vain to convince him to dialogue with the President……

As an Anglophone elite I am convinced that the whole idea of the SDF, perceived nationwide as an Anglophone party, is a fundamental error. We Anglophones are a numerical minority in Cameroon and it is almost suicidal for us to make ourselves a political minority as well….. For example the African Americans in the USA will never have produced a President if they had formed a Black party and militated 100% in it. They have got to the top through integrating into one of the two majority parties… The CPDM is THE majority party in Cameroon and that’s where we need to belong if we want to participate in decision making in Cameroon. Let’s be realistic.

Prof. Peter Abety »

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Thanks

Tikum Mbah Azonga

SOME LESSONS FROM FRANCOPHONE MINISTERS?

BY TIKUM MBAH AZONGA

Recently, Cameroon`s Defence Minister, Edgar Alain Mebe Ngo`o was in Bamenda for the installation of military officials appointed to the North West Region. While in Bamenda, he paid the SDF Chairman, Ni John Fru Ndi, a courtesy visit. As might be expected, the Chairman received him well. Some years ago, the then Minister of National Education – Joseph Owona – was in Bamenda and also paid the Chairman a visit. While at the Chairman`s Ntarinkon Residence, Owona was treated to breakfast by the Chairman.

As we know, when President Paul Biya was in Bamenda months ago for the celebration of 50 years of the Cameroon Armed Forces, he received the SDF Chairman in audience. This was an encounter that was greatly commented by observers, and one which will for ever go down in the annals of history as a big political landmark.

One inevitable remark is that both Biya and Fru Ndi need to be credited for the initiative because they both “swallowed their pride” in order to be able to meet with each other. But I believe Fru Ndi deserves greater credit for being the one who went up to the other. This move is indicative of political maturity. After all, the end result of any conflict is that of reconciliation, which means a face-to-face meeting and talks.

Nonetheless, one question comes up incessantly: if “far away” ministers can pay Fru Ndi a visit, why not the English speaking ministers, especially those form the North West who are geographically nearer to Fru Ndi? As far as I know, none of them has been bold enough to go to the chairman, not even when he was bereaved – having lost his wife and father.

The person who should receive the greatest blame is Atanga Nji Paul who is Minister in Charge of Special Duties at the Presidency of the Republic. This is because Atanga Nji is “nearest” to the Chairman than any other cabinet minister. Atanga is a “Mankon child” in the sense that he grew up in Mankon, which is also Fru Ndi`s home of residence and the town in which he made it big in business. Atanga Nji is at the same time president of the Section of the ruling CPDM party that englobes Fru Ndi`s residence and seat of power. So, even for political reasons, Atanga Nji should have made overtures to Fru Ndi. But he has not.

Perhaps by “boycotting” the Chairman, Anglophone ministers believe that they are showing loyalty to Paul Biya. If that were the case, then why were Owona and Mebe Ngo`o not sacked for visiting Fru Ndi? Do our ministers not realize that this tolerant and inclusive approach shown by Paul Biya and Fru Ndi is equally very much in evidence at the National Assembly – and since recent months – the Senate, where Anglophone and Francophone members mix freely? They sit and work in the same committees and dine next to each other at the hotel.

Look at this: The parliamentary constituency of both Atanga Nji (CPDM) and Fru Ndi (SDF) which is Bali-Bamenda was won by the SDF candidate, Forbi Nchinda. So, on that count, Atanga lost. Nearer home, in Bamenda I, Bamenda II and Bamenda III, that is the three Councils that constitute the political base of both Atanga and Fru Ndi, the SDF outrightly won Bamenda II and Bamenda III Councils. Although the CPDM is said to have won Bamenda III, that victory is now contested because the SDF has accused Atanga Nji of ferrying 68 voters from outside of the constituency to come and vote there in order to swell up CPDM vote numbers – which is therefore why and how the CPDM “won” the Council. The matter is being investigated by the Anti Corruption body, CONAC. True or false, this allegation weakens Atanga Nji`s position and portrays him as someone who lives and works not for his own people but for Paul Biya.

Perhaps Anglophone ministers might want to consider the disaster that the CPDM suffered in the recent municipal and legislative elections and therefore learn that voters may react towards them differently if they portray themselves as being human, humane, humanistic and caring for their fellow human beings, including those of the opposition such as the SDF Chairman, Ni John Fru Ndi.
It is time for Anglophone ministers to come out of their fearful nests and walk tall, because at the end of the day, they will still be sacked, just like their predecessors. Politics is like a football that is round.

OF BIYA, THE MILITARY AND GBAGBO

ByTIKUM MBAH AZONGA

(I wrote this piece in 2011 when the Ivorian civil war was biting hard. At the time, during social interaction on FACEBOOK, some contributors waged a “Paul Biya Must Go” campaign. Some even expressed the strong wish to see the Cameroonian army rough handle Paul Biya the way the Ivorian army handled Gbagbo. In the article I have therefore reproduced below, I argued that such a scenario was unlikely in Cameroon and gave my reasons for that assertion. I drew my strength from my experience in the many world countries I had been to as an international journalist.)
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My answer to that question is: No, Biya is unlikely to be treated by the Cameroonian military the way the Ivorian military treated Gbagbo. The Ivorian president was not in control of his military; Biya is in control of his; Gbagbo did not have a good synergy with his military, whereas Biya enjoys one with his. Besides, the armed forces of Cameroon are well treated and respected, compared with those in a good number of African countries.

And in any case, Côte d`Ivoire`s first president never really gave his armed forces the importance Ahmadou Ahidjo gave his own here in Cameroon. While Houphouet Boigny was rather laid back on the issue, Ahidjo took time to build a robust army, within African standards. Perhaps it was because Ahidjo`s action was guided by the guerilla war that threatened his country at the time. But Houphouet was definitely not interested in building up a strong army.

Comparatively, in the Cameroonian armed Forces, hierarchy is more respected, the “army culture” is deeply rooted and deeply engrained and cohabitation of the disparate and heterogeneous elements has been more or less harmonized. Today`s president, Paul Biya, has also been quite favourable, not just to the army but to the armed corps as a whole. Furthermore, he has mastery of his country in terms of knowing what is going on at all times, practically, in a way far higher than that of Gbagbo. On the contrary, the beleaguered Ivorian leader was very much a stranger in his won country. He committed the political sin of referring to Alassane Ouattara who had actually served as prime minister of his country as “a foreigner’ in the country.

Another point in Biya`s favour is that his country men and women on the whole have enough to eat within the country. The same cannot be said of Gbagbo`s Côte d`ivoire. Again, comparatively, Cameroon has enough to eat within the country. The problem may be with an inability to get a meal into every needy mouth. But within the country, there are supplies. Our country even serves as the bread basket for neighbouring countries. Cameroonians have also always had their beer whenever they needed it, even in the thick of the economic crisis. And they love. So when a man had\s something to eat and to drink, he is naturally less inclined to take up arms. Such conditions are not common in many African countries.

The talk that “Biya must go” does not stem from any solid foundation from those who purport it. It is only an expression of emotions and wishful thinking. It is mere rhetoric. It is talk, just talk and empty talk. Proponents of that thesis must ask themselves some tough questions and find answers for them: How will he go? When will he go? Who will make him go? Why should he go? What does the constitution say? 0r does the constitution not matter?

An apt illustration here could be that of the football coach whose team is losing. He needs to maintain a level and objective head and plan a strategy for reversal. It is surely not by shouting slogans, chest thumping and sabre rattling that the expected goals will be scored. Another point is that it is not even because someone expresses angrily his wishes for a president to go that he will go. Anger will not solve the problem.

Contrary to what some people think, the so-called Arab spring that has swept presidents off their feet in countries such as Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, may not necessarily be replicated in Cameroon, even if both groups of people want their leaders out.

For Biya to go, he must either voluntarily step down like Ahidjo did, or the constitution forces him out simply because his wish to stay on conflicts with that of a constitution. However, as things stand, the constitution does allow him to rule until 2018. So, instead of shouting from roof tops, those who seek his departure can follow the democratic path. They can either form their own political parties and stand against him, or they merge their existing parties to outnumber him, if they already belong to a party. Those who are unable to form their own parties can join one of the existing opposition parties. That is the way forward. And that is my view.

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FOOTNOTE

This article was first published on my blog http://tikumazonga.blogspot.com/2011/06/on-biya-military-and-gbagbo.html, under the same title, on the 16th of June 2011.

ELECTIONS AS A LEVEL PLAYING FIELD

 

 

 

By Tikum Mbah Azonga

A contribution to the ongoing debate on FACEBOOK about the forthcoming presidential election in Cameroon and incumbent President Paul Biya`s supposed role in it.

Victory in politics comes from action. It does not come from rhetoric alone. It is not enough to simply WISH that Biya goes and you expect to get up from your bed the following morning and find him gone. Elections are round the corner. What have you done concretely in preparation? Apart from Biya, there are at least ten other candidates. Are you throwing in your weight behind any of them and giving that one total support? Or better still, are you running as your own candidate, instead of expressing wishes at the sidelines while the real battle goes on with you only as a commentator. The SDF for instance is `doing something about it`, by being there and challenging and opposing and arguing. They are engaged, they are committed. They may not make it now, but if they persist, they may make it some day. It might not be them as such but their children. . It doesn’t matter. People come and go but the nation remains. Biya is at least present and fighting his own battle. The best arena on which to challenge him and effect change is through the ballot box. Shouting and insults and emotions will not change anything.

Copyright 2011

ON BIYA, THE MILITARY AND GBAGBO

 

 

 

By Tikum Mbah Azonga

(This article was first published on my other blog in June 2011 – some months prior to Cameroon’s presidential election of that year. It was my in response to repeated calls on the social media that “Biya must go”. Although it was a formulated wish, I did not think that it was coordinated enough or that it had any solid foundation to be able to succeed)

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There have recently been repeated calls on FACEBOOK for Paul Biya to go. Someone even wondered whether his armed forces could treat him the way Ivorian Laurent Gbagbo`s armed Forces treated him. Below is my reaction, strengthened by my experience in the many African countries I have been to.

My answer to that question is: No, Biya is unlikely to be treated by the Cameroonian military the way the Ivorian military treated Gbagbo. The Ivorian president was not in control of his military; Biya is in control of his; Gbagbo did not have a good synergy with his military, whereas Biya enjoys one with his. Besides, the armed forces of Cameroon are well treated and respected, compared with those in a good number of African countries. And in any case, Cote d`Ivoire`s first president never really gave his armed forces the importance Ahmadou Ahidjo gave his own here in Cameroon. Perhaps it was because Ahidjo`s action was guided by the guerilla war of the time. But Houphouet was definitely not interested in building up a strong army. Comparatively, in the Cameroonian armed Forces, hierarchy is respected and cohabitation of the disparate and heterogeneous elements has been more or less harmonized. Biya has a mastery of his country in terms of knowing what is going on at all times in his country. Gbagbo was very much a stranger in his won country and even considered Ouattara who had once served in government as a foreigner. Again, comparatively, Cameroon has enough to eat within the country. The problem may be with getting it into every needy mouth. But within the country, there are supplies. Cameroonians have also always had their beer whenever they needed it, even in the thick of the economic crisis. Such conditions are not common in many African countries.

The talk that “Biya must go” does not stem from any solid foundation. It is only an expression of emotions and wishful thinking. It`s mere rhetoric. It`s talk.. Proponents of that thesis must ask themselves the tough questions and find answers for them: How will he go? When will he go? Who will make him go? Why should he go? Only because he has been there for too long? What does the constitution say? 0r does the constitution not matter? The best mind set to have here is that of the football coach whose team is losing. He needs to maintain a level and objective head and plan a strategy for reversal. It is not shouting slogans, chest thumping and saber rattling that scores goals. Another point to be made is that it is not even because someone expresses angrily his wishes for Biya to go that it will not happen. Anger will not solve the problem. Again, the analogy of the embattled and embittered and beleaguered coach would fit in here. What has happened in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, etc, is not necessarily a pointer to what may happen in Cameroon. That is my view.

PREVIEW OF BIYA’S BUEA SPEECH

PREVIEW OF SPEECH BIYA WILL MAKE IN BUEA

By Tikum Mbah Azonga, PhD / Doctorat Mass Communication

There is no longer any doubt that President Paul Biya will sooner or later, visit the South West Regional Headquarters of Buea for celebrations marking Cameroon’s fiftieth year of reunification. So far gone are preparations for the jamboree than any about-turn would be counter-productive, for both the government and the people who have eagerly waited for it for close to a year now.

Those preoccupations aside, there are obvious tell-tale signs all over Buea that something is in the offing and that an important personality is about to come to town. Already, the population of Buea is beginning to enjoy the facelift that is part of the groundwork for the visit and the event. The locality has been considerably spruced up and given a new look.

Even so, surely, behind the reunification celebration is the desire on the part of the government to serve other purposes and thus shoot several birds with one stone. Such outings by the President of the Republic are usually an occasion for him to announce major projects to the host population, and by extension, the nation. During his last trip to the North West Region, for instance, he declared amidst a round of applause, the imminent completion of the Ring Road project. Nonetheless, many people interested in the project prefer to wait and see because the president’s previous pronouncements on the same projects have so far not led to the project being concluded. While in Bamenda, the president also announced the impending harnessing of the Mentchum Waterfalls, the construction of a reference hospital in the region and, of course, the opening of the state University of Bamenda.

In the case of the South West Region, the President is likely to make a statement about the future of the much awaited Limbe Deep Sea Port, especially as that of Kribi has been launched. The Tiko wharf, if refurbished, could greatly open up business opportunities with Nigeria and even Equatorial Guinea. So, will the people have their wharf after all? Still in Tiko, the longstanding airport of that town could be rehabilitated, and perhaps by extension the other airports of the region and the country.

This visit is coming hot on the heels of the announcements made by government that tramways are to be installed in some of the major cities of Cameroon, to ease the problem of urban transportation. The South West does does not have a stadium worthy of the name, despite the on-and-off talk of one being constructed in Limbe. Will Paul Biya seize the opportunity of this visit to give South Westerners the good news, then? Yet, for decades, the region has been actively participating in sports activities, thereby providing the population with a much appreciated means of social interaction. They need a symbolic gesture to reward them for that fidelity and to stay them on a focused course.

Ever since the creation of the national oil refinery, Sonara, there has been a general feeling in the region that although oil is produced there, it is benefitting other regions such as the Littoral which is home to the national economic capital, Douala, more than the South West Region. Will the Head of State redress the balance? Of all the Divisions in the region, Lebaliem is the only one that has not had a cabinet minister, and they have complained about it at the least opportunity. Will their clarion call now be heeded?

Regarding road infrastructure, although the road linking Buea to Kumba has now been improved and a good road links Bamenda to Ekok through Bali and Batibo, traveling between Kumba and Mamfe is still a nightmare, so is entering and leaving Akwaya Sub Division in Manyu Division. The public is waiting to hear what the president will say about these grievances.

The president will be watched closely for what he may say about the incarcerated Former Prime Minister and Head of Government, Ephraim Inoni who also happens to be one of the leading Chiefs of the South West. He is the traditional ruler of Bakingili village in Fako Division. Inoni’s imprisonment has divided the South West Region and it would be interesting to see exactly what the Head of State will do to heal the wounds while in Buea.

Paul Biya is coming to the South West when the dust is just settling after the strike staged by students of the University of Buea and the trials initiated by the institution’s administration as well as the sentences that ensued. Hostilities have and calm has virtually returned to the campus. If this state of affairs persists while the president is in Buea, he will no doubt praise those who have contributed to it. If on the other hand there happens to be a resurgence or an escalation, then he will surely slam his hand on the table in order to bring people to reason. If he does that, then heads will inevitably roll. Whatever is the case, peace must be made to reign at the university so that its initial purpose can be restored and pursued to a successful end.

The CPDM which is the country’s ruling party and that of which the president of the Republic is national chairman will definitely use the visit to highlight and showcase the party’s activities, hopes and aspirations. Local party officials will shower praises on their chairman and assure him that following that victory, the CPDM is now set to sweep all the seats at the municipal and legislative elections billed for September 30 of this year. The SDF which is the leading opposition party and the People’s Action Party (PAP) -whose leader Ayah Paul Abine did comparatively well at the presidential election – may beg to differ. But they may not have the opportunity to retort at once, since they may not be present at the celebration where speeches will be made.

From that perspective, it can be concluded that the fiftieth anniversary of the country’s reunification in Buea is an event during which a good number of other things are expected to happen. Whether they do happen or not is a totally different ball game.

FOOTNOTE

This story is an adaptation of a paper first broadcast on FOUNDATION RADIO, FM 100 -The Voice of the Voiceless-Mile 6, Ngomgham-Mankon, Bamenda, Cameroon on Wednesday the 17^th of July 2013.

FOUNDATION RADIO is part of The Fomunyoh Foundation (TFF) headed by Dr. Chris Fomunyoh.

WE WANT TO PUT FOUNDATION RADIO AT THE TOP AND KEEP IT THERE!

THIRTY YEARS OF PAUL BIYA

By Tikum Mbah Azonga

A RECORD IN BOTH TIME AND SPACE

Obviously, by any reckoning,thirty years is a long time, especially in politics. The best way of putting things in perspective is by visualizing the outlook of a Cameroonian child born at the time the president acceeded to the helm of affairs of the Cameroonian nation. Under normal circumstances, at thirty, one is an active adult, either in academics or in employment, unless of course, there is no job as is the case with many nowadays.

THE PRESIDENT’S POLITICAL CHILDREN

Those born at the time Paul Biya became president can be called Cameroonians of the Biya generation. Such Cameroonians have the advantage of having known only one president : Paul Biya. The country’s first president, Ahmadou Ahidjo, had handed over to Paul Biya, his « constitutional successor », before these new generation Cameroonians were born. To such Cameroonians, Ahidjo’s administarive style of austerity and roothlessness is therefore totally unknown. So too are the long years of the bitter and bloody guerrilla warfare that pitted the French-backed Ahidjo regime against the self-proclaimed patriots of the UPC who swore they would topple Ahidjo and the French and steer the country in the right direction. It is a political paradox that whereas such battles for freedom succeeded in other countries such as Kenya, Algeria and Guinea Bissau, they failed woefully in Cameroon with Ahidjo gaining the upper hand. Again, to people of the Biya generation, the Southern Cameroons issue is so distant from them that they really can only vouch for it out of sympathy rather than political commitment.

GOD’S ANNOINTED LEADER?

Whether we like it or not, history will retain that angel or demon, Paul Biya has ruled us for thirty uninterrupted years, and continues to rule us. This is happening in spite of the multiple strategies of the opposition parties aimed at thwarting him and snuffing him out ; the numerous prayers said by clerics here and there ; the insults and curses hurled by individuals, including those in the Diaspora (oui, on vous connait !); the portrayal of Biya as a Dracula with blood dripping from his eyes, mouth and nostrils ; the blunt repudiations of foreign powers and their later recapitulations, as well as the public marches of Tekumbeng women in Bamenda. From that point of view, one can wonder whether if so many people have wished Biya away and he still survives and gets on with it, there is not somewhere here a suggestion of the last words of William Tolbert of Liberia when he realized that rebel troops were shooting their way into the presidential palace and exclaimed to his wife who was holed up there with him : « I see the hand of God in this. » In fact, Fru Ferdinand, a Cameroonian patriarch who has elected residence in the United Kingdom, once described Paul Biya as « the most insulted president in the world ». This was when Fru was Section President of the CPDM, Biya’s political party, in Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Whatever is the case, after such a long period with one and the same person, one does end up by having the odd feeling that familiarity can indeed breed contempt.

MIXED BLESSINGS FOR THE PRESIDENT

In the thrity years of reign, Biya has achieved a number of things among which are liberalization of the political and media landscapes, an expansion in the number of health units and educational establishments, and the opening up of Cameroon to the world. The only problem with the widening of the political landscape is that in the process, too many political parties have been created, to the extent of making a mockery of multiparty politics. Biya’s critics acuse him of setting up bogus parties in order to « confuse » the opposition. But his suporters argue that once a bona fide Cameroonian meets the conditions laid down for forming a party, not giving him or her that chance is tantamount to robbing him or her of inalienable democratic rights. Apart from the above, the country is faced with problems in the areas of governance, credibility, employment and even the economy, as we all know.

BACKGROUND TO THE ANNIVERSARY CELEBRATION

It was against this backdrop that members of the CPDM party recently took the country by storm to mark the president’s thirty years in power. On that point, it must be said that the fiesta remained a purely CPDM affair, although it is doubtful that if opposition parties were invited as such, they would have flocked to it. Even so, one wonders whether as these many people, outmatching each other as they wore CPDM party regalia, really gave thought to what exactly they were doing. Firstly, those of them who are civil servants abandoned work to sing the praises of an anniversary which strictly speaking was a private rather than a national event. As a result, many work places were deserted, abandoned and users left to their own devices. Surely, when statisticians and economists sit down to calculate the cost to the nation, it will be realized that it is colossal. Was that really necessary ?

BEING MORE BONAPARTIST THAN NAPOLEON,

And, by the way, what kind of feast was this that the person who was supposed to be the main character instead kept a low profile and said practically nothing about it whereas it was others who trumpeted it from the roof tops ? In fact, some CPDM party members, as usual, used the opportunity to flex their muscles, outmatch and outnumber their counterparts from the same constitucnecies, all in a bid to show the president that they were more Biya than the next person. Is that what our country needs ?

TAX PAYERS’ MONEY DOWN THE DRAIN

By the way, how was the jamboree funded and how was it carried out ? Huge sums of money were obviously used with officials traveling to their home bases to celelbrate. It does not matter whether the money came from the party headquarters or from the local organs of the party or from generous donations from all and sundry. Numerous rallies were held where « total and unconditional support » was declared for Paul Biya. Solidarity marches took place, with those who did not participate being seen as black legs. Motions of support, sometimes drafted well in advance, were addressed to the president. But is that what Cameroonians want ?

A TWO-TIER SYSTEM

In many cases, the political speeches and resolutions culminated in a reception (Item 11) – strictly on invitation, of course. In a way, such a move is regrettable because it is exclusive, divisive, discriminatory and elitist. And so anyone who turned up ininvited was unceremoniously turned away. Thus, the poor man in the street, the peasant farmer in the deprived rural areas of the country, watched from an uncomfortably long distance, how the big guns were popping champagne (very expensive kind of imported wine) and swallowing large chunks of meat. Is that how we want other compatriots of this same country to feel ?

WHERE THE CPDM MISSED THE POINT

In my opinion, the party should have used this event to take stock of the much vaunted thirty years.The party ought to have used the occasion to put the comon man – the man in the street – the rural man, the silent majority of Cameroon, centre-stage and not relegate him to the background. The key question the CPDM – the party of the majority, the ruling party – should have asked on this day was : « After thirty years in power, where do the Cameroonin people stand and how are they fairing? » As it were, the party missed the point, and so « betrayed » the very people to whom they will soon come running, in order to obtain votes for the forthcoming municipal and legislative elections. The CPDM barked up the wrong tree, and by so doing, it shot itself in the foot and sold itself short. Is that what a country’s ruling party should do ?

SO, WHO PICKS UP THE PIECES ?

Humpty Dumpty has fallen and the pieces must be picked up. So who will do the dirty job ? And even if the pieces are picked up, who will put them back together ? In other words, now that the party is over and the deck is being cleared, what do those who went out to celebrate have to show the Cameroonian people now that all has been said and done? When they were feasting privately, what did they offer the common man ? What did they even bring from Yaounde, the national capital, for the down and out ? Did they support any community project such as a health unit , a bridge, potable water, a community hall, a village library or scholarships for deserving pupils or students ? If not, then what was the point of spending all that money ?

THE CAMEROONIAN PEOPLE AS THE ULTIMATE ARBITER

A world statesman once said you can fool some of the people some of the time but you cannot fool all the people all the time. The first thing those who led teams to their home bases to celebrate but ignored their own peopleis that when eventually they lose their present top jobs, they will come back to be with the common man. So it is good to be nice to those you meet on your way up because they are the same ones you will meet on your way down.

WHAT NEXT FOR THE CPDM?

However, it is not too late for the ruling party to save face. It must now pause, literally look at itself in the mirror and confess that this time around, at least, it got it wrong. It failed its people. The CPDM has failed to prove to Cameroonians that it is, like one of its top barons once claimed, « the way, the life and the truth » ; unless, of course, such proclammations were merely election sloganeering and political rhetoric.

FOOTNOTE
This paper is adapted from a broadcast I made on prime time news on FOUNDATION RADIO, FM 100, ‘The Voice of the Voiceless’, Mile 6, Ngomgham-Mankon, Mezam Division in the North West Region of Cameroon, on the 7th of November 2011, a day after Paul Biya was sworn in as President of Cameroon, 30 years ago.